Research method Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words - 1

Research method - Essay Example The hypothesis of the study states that improved accuracy is observed when slight modifications are made to the original ARS scale. The revision of the anxiety scale makes it more precise and more relevant in communicating to the athletes, so that they can better express their level of stress, anxiety and self-confidence. The Anxiety Rating Scale ARS has been used frequently which led to its suggestion that some modifications might enhance the productivity regarding the concurrent validity of the instrument. Two revisions were made to the original ARS and its results were compared with the original ARS. The study used 180 college-age volleyball players for this study. The results indicated that the revision yielded the largest correlation with CSAI-2 subscales. The results were similar in the males where the revision 2 yielded the largest correlations connected with the cognitive and somatic anxiety, but not for self-confidence. Across genders the revision 2 resulted in the highest correlations for the three categories; cognitive anxiety, somatic anxiety and self-confidence. Correlation coefficients were found to be .67, .69 and .75 respectively. The conclusion suggests that the revision to the original ARS model resulted in the highest level of concurrent validity when the participants were intramur al volleyball players. The journal article discusses a very important topic; measuring the results of revised anxiety test. The article is complete in the sense that it begins with an introduction that goes on into explaining the background, then turns to methodology and then concludes with the results. It gives the reasons why there is room for improvement in the ARS. The ARS had been associated satisfactorily with Krane’s (1994) revision of Mental Readiness Form (MRF-L). Previous studies show that ARS is moderately correlated with anxiety and self-confidence subcomponents of CDAI-2 (Cox, Reed & Robb, 1997). The outline is clear and states that

Rise of Civilization in Mesoamerica and Andean South America Essay

Rise of Civilization in Mesoamerica and Andean South America - Essay Example Monuments with hieroglyphic texts were constructed and ceremonial centers had outstanding artistic developments. The Post Classic period extended from A.D. 950 to 1521, local governments were divided into branches for different purposes and directed towards commercial activities. Great houses with many and large rooms were constructed serving purposes of royal ceremonies and host to long distance alliances, each of these buildings had a sophisticated level of art and craft impressions. Traders and craftsmen were involved in the competition for entry into exclusive exchange networks that they sought the rarest and most exotic materials for their gifts. Smelting of gold, silver and copper was introduced in Central and South America. As pointed out by Gonzales, Merchants and Artisans only made up a small percentage of the Mesoamerican population but had a great impact that led to an extensive trading network (17). The Andean region of South America is also significant in the rise of ear ly intricate societies. The Andean people had their own distinct cultures different from other people in the world. Before invasion of Peru by Spain in 1532, western South America was inhabited by different High Mountain and desert coastal societies. These people had unique artistic and technological achievements which is the reason behind the name Andean Civilization by modern observers. South American territories were controlled by the Inca and were spread over Ecuador, Chile, Peru, Bolivia and Argentina; they were all part of a state called Tawantinsuyu which means the ‘Realm of the Four Parts’. The Inca began as a tribe in 1200 B.C., after defeating neighboring Andean tribes founded the Inca Empire. It was the most powerful civilization in South America. An existing... The Andean region of South America is also significant in the rise of early intricate societies. The Andean people had their own distinct cultures different from other people in the world. Before the invasion of Peru by Spain in 1532, western South America was inhabited by different High Mountain and desert coastal societies. These people had unique artistic and technological achievements which are the reason behind the name Andean Civilization by modern observers. South American territories were controlled by the Inca and were spread over Ecuador, Chile, Peru, Bolivia and Argentina; they were all part of a state called Tawantinsuyu which means the ‘Realm of the Four Parts’. The Inca began as a tribe in 1200 B.C., after defeating neighboring Andean tribes founded the Inca Empire. It was the most powerful civilization in South America. An existing indication of the social unity of the Andean people is the Quechua language which is still used by millions of people from North Ecuador and North Argentina. The Incas were great warriors and shrewd rulers. They exchanged gifts with neighboring tribes, intermarried and formed political alliances. Their populations were large in numbers and their administrative and economic systems were established in all their regions. Inca civilization had reached great feats in architecture; they constructed buildings with fine cut stones eliminating the need for mortar. They melted gold and silver and were in fact very famous for their gold.

The Threat Of Natural Disasters To Cambodia Environmental Sciences Essay

The Threat Of Natural Disasters To Cambodia Environmental Sciences Essay A Discussion on Building Resilient Communities, A Case Study of Cambodia. All through the 20th century, cities of the world have grown in size and importance, with an estimate of about half of all people living in urban areas and their numbers are expected to rise to at least 60 per cent by 2030 (UNHSP, 2002). Ironically, while cities are of vital importance as economic engines, hubs for transportation and communications, cultural centers and homes to the majority of the earths people, they are particularly vulnerable to natural and environmental hazard impacts. During the 1990s, losses from natural disasters were more than four times greater than during the 1950s, with more than 500,000 fatalities and over $1 trillion in damages (Walter, 2003). The existence of multifaceted and cascading hazards in Cambodia has occurred in time past causing large destructions. These hazards that occur are most times unavoidable but their impact could be reduced if the necessary circumstances are put in place. Managing natural and environmental hazards is essential because they pose significant threat to the human populace, carrying the potential to disrupt economic and social activities, cause substantial damage to property and even kill people. The best form of addressing such situations is to make the necessary investigations and preparations for emergency response when (before and after) these hazards occur. Basically, building resilient cities are an act of preparation for the inevitable natural hazards. Cambodia is located in the tropical zone, Southeast Asia, about 10-13 degrees north of the equator. Its climate is dominated by the annual monsoon cycle with its alternating wet and dry seasons, making it warm to hot throughout the year. It covers an area of about 181,035 square kilometres and is divided into 24 provinces as seen in figure 1. It is bordered to the North by Thailand and Laos, to the East and South by Vietnam, and to the South and Southwest by the Gulf of Thailand. Most of Cambodias land is relatively flat with vast tracts of land given over to rice production. Annual rainy season commences in July, with flooding occurring between September and December. During the monsoon season, Cambodia experiences flash floods usually after heavy rainfall. The provinces of Battambang, Kampong Chnang, Kampong Speu, Kampong Thom, Kampot, Kandal, Pursat and Rattanakiri are regularly hit by flash flooding. The second type of flood, the much slower but prolonged flooding, is caused by the overflow of Tonle Sap River and Mekong tributaries, inundating the provinces of Kampong Cham, Kratie, Kandal, Prey Veng, Stung Treng, Svay Rieng and Takeo. In 2000, Cambodia saw the worst flooding in recent history, with a total estimated damage of USD150 million. It affected more than three million people in 22 of the 24 provinces of the country, displacing 85,000 families and killing 182 (ECHO, 2008). Drought in Cambodia is characterized by loss of water sources caused by the early end or delays in expected seasonal rainfall. The traditional drought/lean season is between the months of August and November. Although not as severe as floods in terms of impact, it severely affects farming productivity especially among rice growing communities who rely solely on rain or river-fed irrigation. Low agricultural yield due to extended drought has increased indebtedness of families and contributed to widespread food shortages. The worst drought incident in 2002 had affected two million people and incurred a total damage of USD 38 million, (ECHO, 2008). No one can stop natural disasters. However, we can reduce the impact of natural disasters on the physical and the socio-economic losses in society. It is notable that victims of disasters mainly come from the least wealthy and influential; those in unsafe houses and engaged in more dangerous activities, who have limited options and entitlements. In any case, university students killed in school annual graduation or new born babies in health care facilities are especially disturbing aspects of the aftermath of disasters. Surely, these places should put safety issues first. Due to environmental degradation and human activities, natural hazards have been persistent. The Mekong flood in 2000 gave Cambodia the most terrible incident in the last 70 years, causing both socio-economic and physical damages. According to the official report of the National Committee for Disaster Management (NCDM) (2006), the floods affected about 3.4 million people with 347 fatalities, 80 percent of which were children. Moreover, schools and other infrastructures such as hospitals, houses, and pagodas were seriously damaged, with a total estimated loss of US$161 million. Again, floods hit Cambodia in 2001 and 2002, damaging approximately US$36 million and US$12 million respectively. In 2001, the floods killed 62 people while in 2002 the floods killed 26 (40 percent of whom were children), and many schools were destroyed. Figure 1.Map of Cambodia with Provinces cambodia-map-provinces.jpg Because many Cambodians depend upon subsistence agriculture for their source of revenue, they are particularly vulnerable to suffering hunger, poverty, or even the loss of life, when such disasters hit. This vulnerability has increased in recent years because of a series of almost consecutive annual disasters that have not allowed people the opportunity to recover from previous floods or droughts. The Royal Government of Cambodia and other stakeholders, including NGOs and the donor communities, have been increasing cooperation to allow for joint responses to the needs of the affected population when disasters strike. The overall goal is to ascertain and address the root causes of vulnerability to disasters. There is thus a need to identify and prioritize areas that are prone to natural disasters, and areas in which the population suffers most when disasters strike. Flood affected areas, rice dependency, and food security are considered when determining areas that should be prioritised for flood related interventions. The extent to which each an area is affected by flood waters, depends on rice production, and incapability to manufacture enough food to feed itself during flood years are taken together to classify areas into different levels of precedence. Two major types of flood were identified in Cambodia: Flash floods which result from heavy downpours upstream on the Mekong River which affect the provinces along the Mekong River and in the southern areas of the country. Central area floods are large floods that result from a combination of runoff from the Mekong and heavy rains around the Tonle Sap Lake. The waters affect the areas around the lake, but also flow heavily down the Tonle Sap River and the lower portion of the Mekong to flood the southern provinces. The first priority area is rigorously affected by any type of flood, the second a rea is only affected by the big central area floods, and the third area is only affected by flash flooding of the Mekong. These three priority areas are shown in figure 2. Figure 2: Flood Prone Communes image7_02.png The method applied to define areas vulnerable to drought is similar to that discussed ealier. The concern evaluate include: drought affected areas, rice dependency, and food security. Areas were defined as highly rice dependent if more than 80 percent of households are fully engaged in rice production. Food insecurity was measured as above for the drought year of 1998. Definitions for three levels of priority were again developed. First priority areas are defined as those with low precipitation and NDVI, high rice dependence, and food insecurity in 1998. These are areas where droughts are likely, and where they will have the most terrible consequences. Second priority areas have the same criteria as the first priority communes, but were not food insecure during the 1998 drought year. Third priority communes have low precipitation and NDVI, and are thus drought prone, but are neither highly rice dependent nor food insecure. The three levels of priority communes are presented in figure 3. Figure 3 Drought Prone Communes image7_03.png Vulnerability well-meant is the exposure and sensitivity to livelihood shocks and risks. Risks are the combination of the probability or frequency of occurrence of a defined hazard and the magnitude of the consequences. Natural hazards often cannot be prevented, and if they materialize, can generate a shock that affects households and communities in both predictable and unpredictable ways. Vulnerability is only to some extent determined by the type of hazard, while it is mainly determined by social systems and power (Wisner et al. 2006). The degree of vulnerability depends on the nature of the risk and a householdà ¢Ãƒ ¢Ã¢â‚¬Å¡Ã‚ ¬Ãƒ ¢Ã¢â‚¬Å¾Ã‚ ¢s resilience, or ability to recover after shocks. Vulnerability can be lessened by reducing exposure to risks of shocks that affect many people (e.g., frequent droughts) or shocks that affect individuals or households (e.g., the death of the household head) and increasing the householdà ¢Ãƒ ¢Ã¢â‚¬Å¡Ã‚ ¬Ãƒ ¢Ã¢â‚¬Å¾Ã‚ ¢s ability to manage sho cks. However, chronically food-insecure households often are not resilient to shocks and are continuously vulnerable. The government in Cambodia has initiated poverty reduction policies that attempts to reduce poverty, increase food security and thus reduce vulnerability of poor households. The concept of vulnerability links the relationship that people have with their environment to social forces and institutions and the cultural values that sustain or contest them. Vulnerability refers to the totality of relationships in a given social situation producing the formation of a condition that, in combination with environmental forces, produces a disaster. Disaster, risks and outcomes are socially produced at the intersection of a complex and dynamic range of hazard and vulnerability patterns, associated with underlying social, economic, territorial and political processes operating in specific locales. The concept of vulnerability links general political economic conditions to very particular environmental forces to understand how basic conditions such as poverty or racism produce susceptibilities to very specific environmental hazards. Vulnerability, thus, integrates not only political economic, but environmental forces, defined in terms of both biophysical and socially constructed risk. The working definition provided by Blaikie et al. is currently among the most utilized: By vulnerability we mean the characteristics of a person or group in terms of their capacity to anticipate, cope with, resist, and recover from the impact of a natural hazard. It involves a combination of factors that determine the degree to which someones life and livelihood is put at risk by a discrete and identifiable event in nature or in society(1994:9). The DIPECHO project was implemented in partnership with three local NGOs for the period of 15 months (from 15/02/2007 to 14/05/2008) in three operating provinces. The project activities centre of attention primarily is on the poorest and most excluded community members, identified as being particularly vulnerable to disaster, including women and children, poor farmers, fishery communities, landless people, ex-Khmer rouge soldiers, displaced people, wage labourers, people living with or at risk from HIV and AIDS, Vietnamese minority groups, and people with disability. The total number of direct beneficiaries identified through the project was recorded as 15153, (ActionAid International, 2006). The project aim is to build the capacity of community members and local authorities in 48 target villages in the project areas in the three provinces to better understand and prepare for recurring flood and drought by implementing the following strategies: Organise and build competence of the local community Create and strengthen institutional systems at the village and commune level Working in alliance with other actors and government on disaster risk reduction programmes Advocating on Disaster Risk Management (DRM) issues and influencing the concerned officials and institutions Capacity building of the existing institutions, communes and the various organs of the National committee on disaster management at commune, district, province level Conducting a detailed vulnerability analysis, developing village level disaster plans and formulating commune disaster risk management plans The following were the outcomes on the completion of the project: The capacity of Commune Committees for Disasters Management and Village Development Committees was enhanced to analyse their vulnerability and actively prepare their communities for the risks of flood and drought. Increased availability of Disaster Preparedness knowledge and skills across community members in target villages. Reduced vulnerability to disaster through small-scale disaster preparedness and mitigation initiatives carried out at the village community level. Formal structures and network of partnerships for community-based disaster risk management in Cambodia (CBDRM) comprise of an approach that builds upon existing capacities and coping systems of communities to jointly plan and apply appropriate and durable reduction and disaster preparedness plans. The strategy involves the participation of local actors, particularly vulnerable communities, who actively work to identify causes of vulnerability and actions to mitigate the impact of vulnerability from these natural disasters. Furthermore, the strategy aids communities towards long term capacity to adapt. With recurring drought and flooding and threats from other natural disasters in Cambodia, CBDRM is seen as a pacesetter in reducing massive loss of life, property and livelihood. The Cambodian government considers CBDRM as an essential part of its rural development program to alleviate poverty (ActionAid International, 2006). The major purpose of sustainable development is to generate and preserve flourishing ecological, social and economic systems. There exists an intimate link between these systems as humans can transform the ecological system and they also depend on it for food, wealth and security. Human actions can severely affect the ability of the ecosystem to perform its natural functions with adverse consequences for vulnerability, human life and security. Several case studies have helped shed more light on the connection between resilience, sustainability of social ecological systems and diversity (Berkes and Folke, 1998). Resilience basically refers to the degree of shock that concerned system can endure and stay within a given state. It can also be the degree to which the system concerned can organize itself or build capacity for learning and adaptation. It has been argued that two components of any given system affect its resilience, one being its adaptive capacity which is directly related to its heterogeneity and broadly equivalent t the diversity of its institutions and assets available in social systems. The second is its robustness and this refers to the properties of a given system that allow it accommodate disturbance without additional adaptation. Resilience and robustness refer to the capacity of the system to accommodate disturbance without losing functionality. Disaster management style or procedure can destroy or build resilience depending on how the community concerned organises itself in response to management actions. Building societal resilience requires understanding of ecosystems that incorporates knowledge of local users (Olsson and Folke, 2001). Structured Scenarios and active adaptive management have been recognized as fundamental to building resilience. Circumstances are used to envisage option future scenarios. Applying this action, resilience building strategies can be acknowledged and applied within the framework of sustainable development. The probability of sustainable development is improved by management for resilience in a dynamic world full of astonishments. Sustainable development is a pattern of resource use aimed at meeting human needs while preserving the environment so that these needs can be met not only in the present but also for future generations. It brings together the concern for carrying capacity of natural systems and social challenges faced by humanity. It is now clear that sustainable development that regard the impact of manà ¢Ãƒ ¢Ã¢â‚¬Å¡Ã‚ ¬Ãƒ ¢Ã¢â‚¬Å¾Ã‚ ¢s activities on the natural environment and attempts to reduce damage to the natural environment is the key to poverty reduction, environmental security and management and mitigation of weather and water related hazards. It basically targets resource poor and landless communities especially in the coastal regions because of population density, rapidly declining natural resources, work and income security and a high level of vulnerability to these hazards. With the understanding that environmental degradation can be tackled by knowledge and technological empowerment of the resource poor, illiterate rural man and women, the major aim of these programmes is to blend technological frontier with local knowledge in order to provide an integrated orientation to technological development and dissemination. As local communities confront the impacts of glacial melting, rainfall fluctuation, flooding and drought, they will need support to strengthen their capacity to withstand these changes and increase their resilience to the effects of a changing climate on international waters. Rivers, lakes and coastal ecosystems are increasingly being impacted by deforestation, land degradation, poor water management, and aquatic species loss as well as changes in fisheries habitats, water scarcity and floods or droughts precipitated or exacerbated by climate change, making communities more socially, economically and physically vulnerable. Local communities have shown, through ecosystem restoration, integrated water resources and coastal management and development that these activities can help communities associated with international waters increase their resilience to climatic variability and future effects of climate change. While in some cases it may be too early to gauge the adaptation success of local projects since it may entail preparing for future climate events and impacts, this publication provides some examples of how communities have successfully conserved their resources, restored their ecosystems, reduced their vulnerability and improved their livelihoods and increased their resilience to environmental threats and climate change in international waters. Resilient communities are far less vulnerable to hazards and disasters than less resilient places. For this assumption to be validated and useful, knowledge of how resilience is determined, measured, enhanced, maintained, and reduced is vital (Klein et al., 2003). It is not obvious what leads to resilience within coupled humanà ¢Ãƒ ¢Ã¢â‚¬Å¡Ã‚ ¬environment systems or what variables should be utilized to measure it. Because of the multidimensional nature of resilience and its different component parts, a broad model of resilience has yet to be empirically tested at the community level (Cumming et al., 2005). CONCLUSION The existence of a growing incidence in the occurrence of natural hazards can be accredited to a multifaceted world where increase in population is present. Vulnerability are ever-increasing in communities due to human activities. However, climate change and sea level rise may be accountable for augmented occurrence of some of these hazards. Globalization also spreads the cost of natural hazards going beyond the borders of the country directly affected. Technological and science based progress in our pursuit to understand natural hazards, applications and technological responses have clearly been insufficient. Response to disaster happen mostly after the event and so much is required to be put in place to sustain research and draw up programmes for risk assessment, recommend countermeasures, build and strengthen resilience in communities at risk. Researchers and disaster managers need to work hard to ensure vigorous knowledge takes a essential role in policy development. In this, loc al communities will be more resilient to natural and environmental hazards

tsar :: essays research papers fc

Death and the afterlife in ancient Egypt Death and the afterlife in ancient Egypt was considered to be one of the most important things to them at the time they had different methods of burial before mummification one of them was the sand in the blistering heat of the desert but after they started to believe that the body must stay in tact this what will be discussing in this essay. What Is Mummification? Mummification is the preservation of a body, either animal or human. Some mummies are preserved wet, some are frozen, and some are dried. It can be a natural process or it may be deliberately achieved. The Egyptian mummies were deliberately made by drying the body. By eliminating the moisture in the body, you have eliminated the source of decay. They dried the body by using a salt mixture called natron. Natron is a natural substance that is found in abundance along the Nile River. Natron is made up of four salts: sodium carbonate, sodium bicarbonate, sodium chloride, and sodium sulfate. The sodium carbonate works as a drying agent, drawing the water out of the body. At the same time the bicarbonate, when subjected to moisture, increases the pH that creates a hostile environment for bacteria. The Egyptian climate lent itself well to the mummification process, being both very hot and dry. Why Did The Ancient Egyptian's Mummify Their Dead? The Egyptians believed that there were six important aspects that made up a human being: the physical body, shadow, name, ka (spirit), ba (personality), and the akh (immortality). Each one of these elements played an important role in the well being of an individual. Each was necessary to achieve rebirth into the afterlife. With the exception of the akh, all these elements join a person at birth. A person's shadow was always present. A person could not exist with out a shadow, nor the shadow without the person. The shadow was represented as a small human figure painted completely black. A person's name was given to them at birth and would live for as long as that name was spoken. This is why efforts were made to protect the name. A cartouche (magical rope) was used to surround the name and protect it for eternity. The ka was a person's double. It is what we would call a spirit or a soul. The ka was created at the same time as the physical body.

Repression in Russia in the period 1900-1929 Essay

Why did the rulers of Russia so often resort to repression in the period 1900-1929? Repression was used under both Nicholas 2 and the Bolsheviks to control the Russian population. The liberal methods employed preceding both governments (Alexander 2 and the Provisional Government respectively) failed completely and discouraged any other form of liberal or democratic controls. The strict extremist ideologies of both the Tsarist and Bolshevik regimes also necessitated violent repression to ensure total compliance. This was needed due to the major political upheavals taking place – the decline of Tsarism despite Nicholas’ determination to continue his autocratic rule and the rise of Bolshevism to replace it meant that both parties needed to take a very harsh line. This was exacerbated by the fact that neither party came to power with the ‘legitimate vote’ of the public and so faced strong opposition that they wished to eliminate. Conflict, in the form of Civil War and the Great War, was an apparent complication in both regimes. This caused additional economic disarray and social disruption, hindering the plans of the 2 major governments of this era. Consequently this encouraged the use of repression in an attempt to resurrect the country and increase their power. Further difficulties during this period were caused by Russia’s long term long problems, particularly the vast land area and a high percentage of distinct ethnic minorities causing a lack of cohesion and sense of national identity. Bad communications and retardation of industrialisation meant poor social conditions which led to vocal rebellious groups requiring violent put downs i.e. repression. Russia, at this time, appeared ungovernable without resorting to repression and dictation. Repression was seeded by the lack of an alternative available to Russian rulers at this time. The Bolsheviks were further discouraged from democracy by the failure of the Provincial Government after just 6 months in 1917. The refusal of this government to use repression was highlighted by some of the reforms they undertook – abolition of capital punishment and closure of the Okhrana (secret police) and the Cossacks. Lack of army support due to the Petrograd Soviet agreement made control harder as the problems left by the Tsar (economic collapse and rebellious minorities) could not be dealt with. The public began to realise that authority could be easily flouted without the threat of punishment. Consequently, Lenin realised that coercion was required to rule Russia and that repression through the Army could be achieved when his slogan ‘All power to the Soviet’ was realised. Alexander 2, grandfather to Nicholas 2, was seen as the ‘reforming Tsar’- mainly due to his emancipation of the serfs in 1861. He was assassinated by a party representing these very people at the 7th such attempt. Nicholas 2 realised (as the failure of the Provincial Government was to do for the Bolsheviks) that power was questioned when repression was not implemented. Although Lenin also used repression, the similarity in personalities between Nicholas 2 and Stalin meant that both used similar methods. Both were intensely paranoid about the public’s perception that they were weak. To disprove this, both resorted to violent repressive tactics. Repression under Lenin was more calculated – he talked of the ‘coercion’ needed for the ‘transition from capitalism to communism’. Both governments were autocratic and wished to impose extreme ideologies and therefore required total support which they believed was only achievable by quashing any opposition. Total control was to be achieved by the Tsar’s ‘divine right’ to have this and by the Bolshevik’s through their classless, one party state. This was shown when Lenin forcibly disbanded the constitution in 1918, because the Bolsheviks would not have had the majority vote they needed for the total control they sought. As a result Lenin became the leader of the only powerful party- the Communists. Later, Stalin increased his control through purges within his own government – ensuring his role as the absolute leader – reflecting the Tsar’s goal of omnipotence following the Fundamental Laws. The Tsar required repression of the peasantry (80% of the population) whereas the Bolshevik’s faced opposition from the middle and upper classes. Tsarism relied heavily on religion (the Russian Orthodox Church/ROC) to control the people whereas the Bolsheviks saw this as a threat. The ROC taught that the Tsar was ‘God on earth’ in an attempt to indoctrinate the peasantry to such an extent that they would do as he commanded. Important ministers were often associated with the Church e.g. Pobiedonotstev. After the downfall of Tsarism, Lenin proclaimed the Marxist theory that religion was ‘the opium of the people’ and proceeded to turn repression onto the church to rid Russia of this perceived powerful opponent to the communist system. Stalin continued the destruction of religion in Russia through the assassination of any cleric he felt had too much influence. The Tsar and the Bolsheviks both faced threatening opposition. The Tsar’s opponents ranged from the peasant-based Social Revolutionaries (who would later become the Bolsheviks opponents) to the Bolsheviks themselves – supported by the working class. The failure of the 1905 revolution after the intervention of the Okhrana and army showed that the Tsar could not have retained power without repression. The Okhrana were also used to rid Russia of revolutionaries – such as Lenin himself. The Bolsheviks shared the problems caused by the ethnic minorities and their wish for independence. However, The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk weakened this opposition for the Bolsheviks after it removed 25% of Russian land – mainly that housing the minorities. Both regimes faced a wide range of opposition, prompting repression to remove the greatest threats – such as the dissolution of the SR-dominated constitution in 1918. Lenin reduced the power of the elite by taking their property and institutions from them. Stalin continued and extended the use of repression – eliminating any minor threat, including members of the Communist Party in his ‘Great Purges’ Conflict encouraged the rulers during this period to resort to repression. The Tsar faced the Russo-Japanese war and the Great War during his reign. The Bolsheviks had to contend with a Civil War. In both cases, repression was used to evoke loyalty and force unification. The Cossacks and Ohkrana were fundamental to the suppression of objectors to the Tsar, as were the Bolshevik equivalents, the Cheka. The Cheka aided Bolshevik victory in the Civil War and were then used by Lenin to forcibly take grain for the soldiers under the Grain Requisition Act despite the distress caused to the peasants. The Tsar also used repression to keep Russia fighting in the Great War – including the silencing of anti-war parties and also opposition to the mandatory food rationing by a hungry people. Despite these efforts, war finally brought the downfall of Tsarism after mass desertion from the army effectively took away the last prop of the old regime. The Bolsheviks however, emerged successfully from the Civil War allowing them to consolidate their new-found power with the use of additional repression. Retarded Industrialisation was a long-term problem that is still felt by Russia today. The Tsar attempted to improve Russia’s industrial affluence whilst maintaining control by repressing the working classes to prevent them revolting. To do this, he banned trade unions and imprisoned the leaders. The Communists also attempted to improve Russia’s industrial situation- through the conversion from capitalism to communism. The Tsar sought support from other European countries whereas the Communists violently rejected this policy. This meant that the Communists required a greater level of forced labour (i.e. repression) in order to cope without this aid. Stalin hoped to develop Russia into a ‘superpower’ in his 5-year plans. This involved the use of the forced free labour of non-conformists who were imprisoned in labour camps. The Kulaks (wealthy peasants) were among those sent to such a camp. ‘Collectivisation’ was a re-introduction of the Grain Requisition and an attempt to revolutionise agriculture along Communist lines and resulted in starvation of the rural population. This repression of the peasantry was also evident in the Tsarist regime to prevent unrest. The long-term problems experienced by Russia at this time encouraged the use of repression as a means of control. The huge population spread over a vast land area meant that in addition to the communication problems caused by sheer size and the abundance of minority groups, it was impossible for any government to meet the demands made by all of the people. The Tsar attempted to deal with this through the enforcement of Russfication and sending the army to eliminate any protesters e.g. in Uzbekistan. The Bolsheviks also faced the minority opposition with violent repression – millions of Ukrainians were sent to forced labour camps by Stalin. Prejudice against ethnic groups was rife; anti-Semitism caused repression of Jews under both Tsarist and Bolshevic regimes. Although it can be said that the governments of Nicholas 2, Stalin and to a lesser extent Lenin were repressive by nature, the need for control via repression was inherent within the set up of Russia. Until the fall of communism in Russia in the late 20th century, it was clearly evident that the more lenient governments, such as that of Alexander 2 and Provisional Government were less successful than the more repressive ones although they were hardly given chance to do well, so quick were some to take their place at the first sign of weakness. This acted as an encouragement for the major governments between 1900-1929 to use the secret police, army and threat of imprisonment to deter opposition, repress the peasantry and enforce the ideologies of the government. Repression was imperative for both governments; the Tsarist to cling to power and the Communists to snatch it from them. Both had many unpopular economic, political and social reforms to pass. War highlighted the problems of the country and the presence of strong opposition against both governments. In the view of both it increased the need for repression to realign the economic and social structure. Under both regimes the cause and the effect of repression was the same; it resulted in the death or displacement of many. Unfortunately, it was just a prelude to the terror that was to be experienced during the ‘High-Stalinism’ of the 1930’s. During this decade, 7 million died, mostly after being sent to a labour camp for failing to conform to the Communist ideal of ‘collectivisation’.

Role of Nature in the Evolution of the Modern Cities

3.0 LITERATURE REVIEW My thesis aims to research ; the importance of nature to an urbanite life the fast gait yet numbingly everyday life in this concrete jungle. There is no 1 definition to the relationship of adult male & A ; nature in the urban context of a metropolis and requires a multi-fold geographic expedition to get at any decision. My geographic expedition begins with a survey of the history and development of urban landscape vs. natural landscape in metropoliss. Followed by, research on the effectivity of bing agreements of the green alleviation pockets found in the metropolis and their relationship with urbanism in the metropolis. This forms the footing of research for future propositions made by critics and professionals, taking to any remarks that can be made on the relevancy of betterment and changes of the urban morphology. Through this layered researched, I aim to better understand the urban morphology in visible radiation of integrating of natural alleviation infinites into the urban lan dscape and its impact on the urbanites and their societal behaviors. 3.1 Role of Nature in the Development of the Modern Cities In the modern epoch of development ( 19Thursdayto 20Thursdaycentury ) , the growing of urbanisation [ 1 ] and the modern metropoliss has been a really rapid procedure. Contrary to the past where human homes have peacefully coexisted with nature [ 2 ] ( Refer to Figure 1 ) , late there has been a alteration of form. The new architectural layout of the human colonies is a web of cold concrete jungles with small concern for the function of nature in the urban landscape. Modern metropoliss came as an reply to the population growing after the industrial revolution [ 3 ] . Cities grew larger ; became the back bone of the economic system and following the motion of modernism, [ 4 ] came the changes in the life style of urban inhabitants. Exponential growing of building of high – rise edifices, modern places etc. replaced and destroyed the natural landscape, paving manner for more steel and concrete constitutions. This was the age of ‘man over nature’ [ 5 ] , where urban contrivers [ 6 ] followed the doctrine of generic forms, with no attending to localized environments and natural landscapes. Nature was a ductile entity, carved, flattened, relocated and unnaturally recreated to suit the demands of the built created by adult male. [ 7 ] Therefore, the construct of green alleviation infinites and the importance of natural landscape is either ; merely non considered, or an reconsideration, treated as sheer ornamentation to the edifices. Leaving the metropoliss, which house the larger Numberss of population [ 8 ] , with nil more than intimations of green infinites ; doing adult male to lose all connexions to his beginnings, i.e. nature, ‘ [ †¦ ] there were few who believed in the importance of nature in a man’s universe, few who would plan with nature’ [ 9 ] Karachi faired non really different from this general description of modern metropoliss. Furthermore, being the largest gross manufacturer and biggest of the few metropolitan metropoliss of Pakistan, it entertains a high inflow of rural-urban migration. [ 10 ] In order to suit the rampant enlargement in Numberss the metropolis is turning beyond bounds ( Figure 2 ) and destructing environing natural landscape in the procedure. [ 11 ] These surveies of the context of natural landscape within the urban landscape take me to research of how this current composing of the urban landscape impacts its user. 2.2 Urbanism ; Between the Urbanite and the Urban Landscape The first text under treatment ‘A Game on the Urban Experience and Limits of Perception’ , [ 12 ]apaper that uses the word drama to ‘ [ †¦ ] interpret the thought of sociableness and sensibility’ , [ 13 ] and foreground the ability of architecture to restrict human perceptual [ 14 ] interaction.It touches upon assorted subjects under the class of urban infinites of metropoliss, their architecture and their influence on people. The characteristic matching to my peculiar field of survey is the effort to understand how the architectural composing impacts the mundane life of the urban inhabitant. The research proposes usage of, new mapping techniques of Psychogeography [ 15 ] in the homesteader colony of Istanbul ( Pinar Mahalle ) , as they reflect the, ‘ [ †¦ ] Personal paths, finds, psychological distances, and looks [ †¦ ] ’ [ 16 ] of the participant under observation. This brought Forth two chief countries of focal point ; the eve ryday rhythm of mundane life experiences and the limited ‘multi-sensory perceptual experience in urban experience’ [ 17 ]Psychogeography, the hit of psychological science and geographics [ 18 ] is used as the method of resuscitating the urban experience of mundane life, in a mode that it arouses a sense of gaiety and consciousness within the participants, i.e. the users of the infinite. This playful enthusiasm gives manner to the, ‘Theory of Drive’ [ 19 ] which tests the geographical bounds restricting perceptual experience. [ 20 ] The dimensions of the boundaries of, ‘ [ †¦ ] societal attractive forces and emotional zones of the urban geography’ [ 21 ] need to be recognized so they may be extended to suit the participants.One dominant subject that stands out in the paper is the demand for intercession or adaptation of bing urban infinites to make more than merely a ocular experience, ‘Instead of mere vision, or the five classical se nses, architecture involves several kingdoms of centripetal experience which interact and fuse into each other.’ [ 22 ] This ability of architecture demands to be explored and integrated in design at the urban degree so within these crowded metropoliss some degree of interaction and familiarity may be developed.However, if these steps are non taken, people will stay stuck in a rut, detached from one another, losing out on common benefits and compromising on a complete multi -sensory perceptual experience of infinites.The 2nd short coming of the urban landscape highlighted by this paper is the cold, dead composing of the environment. The design format and layout is everyday, humdrum and lacks any signifier of alleviation infinite, ocular or physical. Therefore, the desperate demand of alteration in the bing format of these metropoliss is made apparent.Findingss of this paper are restricting in footings of contextual relevancy, nevertheless, twosome of statements discussed supr a are non far from the truth of Karachi’s cityscape. Furthermore, the methods employed for research can be carried frontward as portion of primary research techniques [ 23 ] .The paper besides highlights the function of architectural design and layout of the metropolis as a nucleus participant in the game, specifying the life style of the participants. Baig [ 24 ] , supports this statement by stating ; ‘It is non people entirely who generate the city’s ethos ; instead the inanimate objects, such as the urban landscape, besides contribute towards organizing the urban spirit.’ [ 25 ] The, ‘urban mizaaj’ ( i.e. urban landscape ) is dependent on the chances of life styles presented to the people by the, ‘inanimate objects’ [ 26 ] around them. The largest per centum of inanimate objects of any metropolis is edifices and their connexions i.e. architecture, thereby under the theory of Architectural Determinism, [ 27 ] built environment becomes the main dictator of societal behaviour and interactions. [ 28 ] After understanding the impact of the urban landscape on human life style, the following class efforts to research the relationship of the urbanite and the natural landscape ; in order to set up whether some of the spreads of the above discussed relationship can be filled through the add-on of natural landscape. 2.3 Relationship of the Urbanite and Nature As the modern metropoliss continue to come on towards a tech -savvy [ 29 ] hereafter the modern man’s isolation from nature continues. Our technophilia [ 30 ] and technophobia [ 31 ] , i.e. the love and fright of engineering thrusts us to want such a strong bid over engineering, that it becomes our slave. However, our increasing dependence on the technological promotions has reversed functions, and adult male has become a slave to engineering. Robert Thayer [ 32 ] , states that our love for engineering can be demonstrated by, ‘current residential landscape, dominated by house, private road and garage’ [ 33 ] along the broad roads built to promote the usage and easiness of cars. We so conceal behind a green facade and continue to populate through this heavy technological support system. [ 34 ] The consequence of this isolation is the happening of the term ‘solastalgia’ ; the hurting experienced when we withdraw from a natural topographic point we love and cherish [ 35 ] .Louv, in his books further argues the demand for interaction between adult male & A ; natural landscape and the effects of deficiency of this interaction. In his first book, ‘ Last Child in the Woods ’ [ 36 ] , he put frontward the disadvantages on the development of kids due to miss of exposure to, ‘Vitamin N’ ( N – Nature ) [ 37 ] , doing a syndrome of ‘Nature Deficit Disorder’ [ 38 ] . This is non a medical diagnosing but it is used to make consciousness of the damaging effects of this divide. These theories stemmed many out-of-door category room plans and incorporation of interaction with nature for kids has now become a more popular thought. [ 39 ] However, the impact of the book had a far more reaching impact than merely the restructuring or new experimental techniques of instruction ; it besides stimulated the nostalgia of many grownups. Adults either reminisced the memories of a different childhood, from that of their kids or related to the symptoms of the disaffection from nature. He farther supports his statement with simple illustrations such as, â€Å"Depressed people who were prescribed day-to-day out-of-door walks improved their tempers compared to patients walking in a promenade. Alzheimer patients exposed to natural light fluctuations experienced less agitation and wandering.† [ 40 ] The lack that Louv discusses in his plants highlights the importance of ‘Vitamin N’ , to heighten our physical and mental wellness. This construct can now be tied back to the treatment in the old subdivision of relationship between urbanites and the urban landscape. The defects in the urban landscape are holding a damaging consequence on the metropolis inhabitants and can be countered with the integrating of the natural landscape in the cityscape. Testing this statement farther, the following subdivision entails a survey of the connexions lost between adult male, nature and metropoliss ; if there is a demand to reconnect and how these connexions possibly made? 2.4 Man and Nature within the Urban LandscapeMy following text, ‘Design with Nature’ , [ 41 ] begins with a comparing of the metropolis and the countryside and the blunt differences between the two. When exhausted with the over overpowering metropolis one retreats to the soothing state side. However, every bit much as urbanites crave the alleviation found in the countryside they need the metropolis, whether for irresistible impulse of work or to carry through the demand to be portion of the fast gait life, therefore, they are drawn back to it. This reflects the divide in the feelings of adult male, torn between the roads taking to metropolis and countryside, coining the question of the writer of this book,‘It is my probe into a design with nature: the topographic point of nature in a adult male ‘s universe [ †¦ ] ’ [ 42 ]The writer writes from personal experience of holding grown up in the industrial old ages of Glasgow and foreground the pros and cons of the metropolis vs. the countryside. From the beginning, the book distinguishes the two poles ; nature vs. built, with adult male caught in the center. This brings frontward a really of import field of idea, â€Å" [ †¦ ] if we can make the humane metropolis, instead than the metropolis of bondage to labor, the pick of metropolis or countryside will be between to excellences, each indispensable, each different, both complementary, both life – enhancing, adult male in nature.† [ 43 ] This extract highlights the machinelike, cold character of a metropolis discussed in the first portion of this research and how an flight to the countryside is simply a patch solution. Therefore, it proves the demand of integrating of landscape within the urban context of the metropolis.Ian L. McHarg [ 44 ] categorizes the metropolis and landscape architecture into multiple chapters, giving a elaborate design methodological analysis of integrating nature in urban planning, its application and its demand for execution ; by exposing the connexions adult male finds within nature. Within these the more outstanding subdivision is of ‘The City ; Process and Form’ [ 45 ] , where the writer explores the relationship of the built environment with nature and how when the two are paired together they do non compromise their possible but instead heighten it. He speaks about how the morphology of human colonies should be moulded along the natural morphology. For illustration, when guidelines for step paces can be defined, there should be regulations against edifice on inundation fields. [ 46 ]‘We are going a land of great metropoliss. Villages are stationary or withdrawing ; metropoliss are tremendously increasing [ †¦ ] ’ [ 47 ]Similar to McHarg’s ideas on, ‘city of bondage to labor, the pick of metropolis or countryside’ [ 48 ] , Ebenezer Howard [ 49 ] at the beginning of his book,Garden Cities of To-morrow[ 50 ],ne gotiations about two magnets, the town and the state but in his analysis he proposed a simple remedy, ‘Human society and the beauty of nature are meant to be enjoyed together, the two magnets must be made one’ [ 51 ] . Therefore, ensuing in the 3rd magnet the ‘Town – Country’ [ 52 ]Garden Cities of To-morrowgoes on to giving theoretical account programs ( Figure 4 ) and inside informations for a feasible system of town- state that developed with a cardinal park at its bosom. These thoughts and proposals were put away with the purpose to unite the best of both universes, bridging the spread of the rural with the industrial metropolis. [ 53 ]Critics consider Howard’s proposed system a instead Utopian solution to urban jobs, however, while the programs proposed may non be ideal, the thoughts can still be translated into new derivations.Bringing the research closer to place, to the metropolis of Karachi, research work refering unfastened green inf inites, vicinity Parkss, nature belts etc. is being done.‘Urban Open Green Spaces are an of import agent lending non merely to the sustainable development of metropoliss but are considered as one of the most critical constituents in keeping and heightening the quality of life particularly of urban communities’ [ 54 ]Muhammad Mashahid Anwar in his paper, ‘Recreational Opportunities and Services from Ecosystem Services Generated by Public Parks in Megacity Karachi-Pakistan’ [ 55 ] sheds an interesting visible radiation on people’s perceptual experience and positions on the assorted public green infinites of Karachi. Anwar carried out a study, with audiences of two changing income groups and vicinities, Defense Housing Authority and Gulberg Housing town. Consequences showed people’s purpose to utilize green public infinites, their willingness to pay if it ensures a clean good maintained environment and the most popular use of these public Parkss to be, nature grasp, light exercising such as walking and relaxation. The overall study proves people’s cognition about the topic and their concern for it, as bulk recognized its advantages of lower air temperatures, counter to air pollution, aesthetic sweetening, recreational end product etc. [ 56 ]The above texts study the urban scenes of metropoliss and the function of nature or the deficiency of nature in these metropoliss. Psychogeography aid find boundaries of sociableness of infinites and multi-sensory experience while ‘Design with Nature’ [ 57 ] and ‘Garden Cities of To-morrow’ [ 58 ] high spots the demand of the multi-sensory experience to feed off nature. Therefore, an convergence of these multiple beds can set forth a image of how Karachi’s urban signifier can integrate ‘nature’ intercessions, by redefining the urban landscape composing.